Exploring Digital Discourtesy: Impoliteness Strategies In K-Drama Fan Discourse on Social Media

This study analyzes impoliteness strategies used by netizens in responses to the variety show "Single Inferno 3" on the X app, specifically through the K-Drama Menfess account. Menfess, short for "Mention and Confess," is a term in K-Pop and K-Drama culture, describing messages sent via direct message to auto-bot accounts on platforms like Twitter, where users share opinions on specific topics. "Single Inferno 3" is a popular show among K-Drama fans, and the comments in the Menfess account's replies provide insights into how impoliteness emerges in reactions to South Korean entertainment. Using a descriptive qualitative method, this study examines the types of impoliteness in netizen comments related to the show, drawing on Culpeper's (2011) theory of language impoliteness. The data, collected from comments posted on January 3rd, 2024, reveals that sarcasm or mock politeness is the most prevalent strategy, appearing in 45.45% of cases. Positive impoliteness accounts for 27.27%, negative impoliteness for 18.18%, and bald on-record impoliteness for 9.09%, with no instances of withheld politeness. Sarcasm often involves indirect insults, while negative impoliteness includes belittling remarks. These impoliteness strategies typically arise in contexts where netizens scrutinize the show's participants, reacting to behavior that deviates from expected norms. The study's findings can help social media platforms develop tools to detect and reduce impolite interactions, such as automated moderation systems and user guidelines to promote respectful online discourse.


Introduction
In the dynamic realm of digital communication, fan communities centered around cultural phenomena like Korean dramas (K-Dramas) have burgeoned across social media platforms.These communities, driven by passionate discourse and engagement, offer a rich tapestry for linguistic and sociocultural exploration."Single Inferno 3," a prominent variety show in the K-Drama sphere, has recently catalyzed vibrant discussions, particularly on the "Menfess" account-a portmanteau of "Mention" and "Confess."These Twitter-based platforms allow fans to submit anonymous messages, fostering candid and often unfiltered dialogues.This study focuses on the impoliteness strategies employed by netizens in the context of K-Drama Menfess accounts, with a particular emphasis on discussions related to the variety show "Single Inferno 3." Understanding the nuances of online discourse, including aspects of impoliteness, becomes crucial as digital communication becomes increasingly prevalent.With the escalation of online communication, especially in entertainment and media, understanding the impoliteness strategies netizens use has become increasingly important.
The unique environment of online platforms, characterized by anonymity and the absence of faceto-face accountability, has redefined interactional norms.Traditional linguistic paradigms, which approached impoliteness from pragmatic and interactional standpoints (Goffman, 1967;Watts, 2003), are challenged in these virtual spaces.The digital age necessitates a significant reevaluation of these concepts, as online discourse often deviates from conventional communication patterns.This phenomenon is particularly relevant in social media and fan forums, where language use often diverges significantly from face-to-face interactions.K-dramas have become a global cultural phenomenon, with fan communities forming around these shows across various social media platforms."Single Inferno 3," a popular variety show among K-Drama fans, has sparked considerable online discourse.These fan interactions, particularly in the context of K-Drama Menfess accounts, provide fertile ground for studying impoliteness strategies from linguistic and sociocultural perspectives.
Extant literature has delved into impoliteness across various online contexts.Studies like Anudu, (2020) and Colaco, (2021) have examined impoliteness in political discourse, revealing the amplified emotiveness facilitated by anonymity.Khazraie, (2020) explored such phenomena within Wikipedia's contributor interactions, highlighting the prevalence of on-record impoliteness.While these studies provide valuable insights, they predominantly focus on political or informational domains.Furthermore, this study emphasized that impoliteness online often mirrors attitudes and behaviors seen in real-world interactions but with added intensity due to the online medium.They found a dominance of on-record impoliteness strategies over off-record strategies, highlighting the unique aspects of Wikipedia as an asynchronous, task-oriented, interaction-focused, and polylogal platform.This research emphasized the natively digital and highly policed nature of communication on the platform.Colaco, Vijayarajoo, and Lin (20220211) conducted a study titled "The Use of Impoliteness Strategies in Online Feedback Relating to A General Election in Media," focusing on impoliteness in online political discussions.This research found that netizens frequently used impoliteness strategies in their online political discussions, often driven by emotional responses, specifically anger.This study provided insights into the nature of impoliteness in online political discourse, demonstrating how political views are freely expressed on digital platforms with a high degree of emotiveness.
Early literature on impoliteness began with Goffman, (1967) and his concept of aggressive face work, later supported by (Watts, 2003) Culpeper's (2005) revision introduced two primary ways impoliteness is communicated: through deliberate face threats and behavior perceived as face-aggressive.Central to these definitions are the notions of face and intention.Hu (1994) traced the concept of face in Chinese culture to the term mianzi, meaning prestige or reputation.Both Culpeper, (2011) and Goffman, (1967) discussed face in terms of prestige, self-esteem, and reputation.Subsequent research (e.g., (Hammod, 2017);Spencer-Oatey, 2005) has highlighted that impoliteness can lead to social disruption.Despite extensive research on politeness, impoliteness has been relatively neglected (Leech, 2007).Culpeper, (1996) addressed this gap by analyzing impoliteness in army recruit training and drama, providing a framework opposing Brown and Brown, (1987) politeness strategies.The study by Teneketzi (2021)showed that YouTube contains more incivility than Reddit, mainly due to the lack of moderation and post-length restrictions Teneketzi, (2021) Onwubiko, (2020) found that the "bald on record impoliteness" strategy was most frequently used in Facebook posts related to the(2019) Imo Supreme Court decision (Onwubiko, 2020).Pasana, Lemana, and Mamonong (2023) analyzed various impoliteness strategies in Facebook comments against changing learning modalities in the Philippines during the COVID-19 pandemic, finding the use of strategies such as "bald on record" and "sarcasm" (Pasana et al., 2023).Colaco, Vijayarajoo, and Lin (2021) studied the frequency and reasons netizens use incivility strategies in online political discussions on the Malaysiakini news portal Pangaribuan, Rankuti, and Lubis (2021) identified impoliteness strategies in tweet comments towards Indonesian actor Jefri Nichol, finding that "bald on record" and "sarcasm" were the dominant strategies (Pangaribuan, 2021).However, some research gaps need to be filled.Comparison of incivility strategies across different social media platforms, the impact of moderation, cultural context, content type, and the influence of visuals and other media are areas that still require further exploration.
Recent research has extensively explored impoliteness strategies in various online and political communication contexts, revealing a range of behaviors influenced by platform-specific features, cultural backgrounds, and the anonymity provided by digital communication.C. Onwubiko, (2020) further examined the role of impoliteness in Facebook posts related to a Nigerian Supreme Court ruling, finding "bald on record" impoliteness to be the most prevalent strategy.Studies Ismail, (2020) and Taiwo, Akinwotu, and Kpolugbo (2021) also delve into defensive strategies and interpersonal positioning in online forums, emphasizing the pervasive nature of impoliteness in political discourse.Moreover, Shulginov and Alyansky (2023) discussed how impoliteness can serve as a community-building tool in sports news comments, while Teneketzi(2021) provided a comparative analysis of impoliteness across YouTube and Reddit, highlighting the impact of platform affordances on user behavior.Additionally, Shevchenko, Alexandrova, and Gutorov (2021) explored the sociocultural aspects of impoliteness in parliamentary discourse across different countries, linking the variation in impolite strategies to cultural differences.The work of Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk and Pęzik (2021) on emergent impoliteness in Polish media discourses and Rega, Marchetti, and Stanziano's (2023) examination of incivility in Italian online discussions further underscore the role of impoliteness in shaping public discourse.Studies focusing on specific platforms, such as Rabab'ah and Alali's (2019) analysis of impoliteness in Al-Jazeera reader comments and Pasana, Lemana, and Mamonong's (2023) exploration of Facebook comments in the Philippines, provide insights into how cultural and contextual factors influence online communication.Vladimirovna (2021) and Sukmawati et al. (2023) further contribute to understanding how impoliteness is used to discredit authorities and opponents in social media and political debates.Overall, these studies collectively illustrate the multifaceted nature of impoliteness in digital communication, shaped by cultural, contextual, and technological factors.
However, some research gaps remain.A comparison of incivility strategies across different social media platforms, the impact of moderation, cultural context, content type, and the influence of visuals and other media are areas that still require further exploration.Despite the wealth of research on online communication, a gap remains in studying impoliteness strategies within specific online communities, such as those discussing Korean variety shows.There needs to be a more specific focus on the entertainment domain, particularly in the context of Korean dramas and related online communities.The interactive dynamics in these communities, especially concerning popular shows like "Single Inferno 3," provide a fertile ground for studying impoliteness strategies from a linguistic and sociocultural perspective.Previous studies have explored netizen behavior broadly but have not delved deeply into the dynamics of fan communities, particularly in the context of Korean dramas like "Single Inferno 3." This gap points to a need for a focused investigation into how impoliteness manifests in these unique digital environments.Through this exploration, the study aims to identify the predominant impoliteness strategies that emerge in K-Drama Menfess discussions about "Single Inferno 3" and to analyze how the unique features of Menfess platforms influence the nature and frequency of these strategies.By addressing these questions, the research not only fills a significant gap in the existing literature but also provides valuable insights into the broader dynamics of online fan interactions in the digital age.

Method
This research is classified as descriptive qualitative research and applies the referential method.(Creswell, 2018) explains that qualitative research is descriptive and produces data about social life phenomena through observations of research subjects and community social behaviour.Additionally, Sudaryanto, (2015) describes the referential method as a systematic data collection and analysis approach.This study employs a descriptive qualitative research design to delve into the impoliteness strategies utilised by netizens within the K-Drama Menfess community discussions on the "Single Inferno 3" variety show.The focus is on analysing netizens' comments and responses to posts made on the X app on January 3rd, 2024.The primary data for this study comprise comments and replies extracted from the K-Drama Menfess account, specifically targeting discussions around "Single Inferno 3." A purposive sampling technique was employed to select posts that generated significant netizen engagement, measured by the number of replies and the intensity of interaction.This criterion ensures that the analysed conversations reflect a broad range of impoliteness strategies and represent community interactions regarding the show.
The purposive sampling method is justified as it allows for the selection of the most information-rich cases, which provide a comprehensive understanding of the impoliteness strategies used in the community.
Data collection involved systematically noting relevant discussions and transcribing these digital interactions for detailed analysis.The steps in the data collection process included scanning the K-Drama Menfess account for posts related to "Single Inferno 3" with high engagement.Purposive sampling was used to identify postings with many responses and strong interaction.This was followed by systematic note-taking to document the selected posts and their replies.Finally, the digital interactions were transcribed into text format for analysis.The study leverages Jonathan Culpeper,(2011) framework on language impoliteness as a theoretical lens to scrutinise and categorise the impoliteness strategies observed in the collected data.Each instance of communication identified as potentially impolite was carefully analysed according to Culpeper's categories of Negative Impoliteness, Sarcasm/Mock Impoliteness, and Positive Impoliteness.The data analysis process involves several steps.Each comment and reply is initially coded based on Culpeper's impoliteness categories.This is followed by thematic analysis, where recurring themes and patterns in the data are identified.The next step is categorising the coded data into Culpeper's impoliteness strategies, including Negative Impoliteness, Sarcasm/Mock Impoliteness, and Positive Impoliteness.Contextual analysis is then conducted to analyse the context in which each impoliteness strategy is used, considering the situational and interactional dynamics.Finally, the findings are interpreted based on existing literature and the specific context of the K-Drama Menfess community.
Purposive sampling was chosen to ensure the representativeness of the data by focusing on posts that generated significant engagement.This method is effective in qualitative research, where the goal is to gain in-depth insights into specific phenomena.By selecting posts with high interaction, the study captures a wide range of impoliteness strategies, providing a comprehensive view of the community's communication dynamics.This approach ensures that the findings are relevant and reflect the broader behaviour patterns within the K-Drama Menfess community.

Result
The analysis of impoliteness strategies among netizens in the K-Drama Menfess account discussions on "Single Inferno 3" unveiled a nuanced landscape of digital interaction within K-Drama fan communities.These findings not only underscore the varied nature of impoliteness in online discourse but also illuminate the specific contexts and motivations underlying these interactions.

Bald-on-Record Impoliteness
Based on (J.Culpeper, 1996) Bald on Record refers to a direct and unambiguous act of threatening the speaker's face, without employing any further tactics to soften the tone.

Data 1 : @dokicrumbs : "OMG AKU MAU MISUH YA MAAP GW SELAMA LIAT INI KEK ANJING ITU PIYAMA APAAN??? BAJU DINAS MALAM IYA ANYINGG MINJI LU NAJIS BGT JUJUR." @dokicrumbs : "OMG I WANT TO COMPLAIN, I'M SORRY I'VE BEEN LOOKING AT THIS DOG'S PAJAMAS, WHAT ARE THEY? NIGHT CLOTHES YES ANYINGG MINJI YOU UNCLEAN HONESTLY." (translate)
This tweet, collected from a menfess on January 3rd, 2024, exemplifies bald on-record impoliteness, where the user expresses intense negative emotions directly without any mitigation strategies.The harsh and aggressive language is aimed at Minji, a character in the show "Single's Inferno," criticizing her choice of pajamas.The user's blunt critique, using terms like "unclean" and "dog's pajamas," shows a complete disregard for the potential offense, reflecting an unfiltered expression of discontent common in online fan communities.The directness of the insult prioritizes emotional response over-politeness, a behavior often expected within the informal social media environment.Theoretically, this case aligns with Culpeper's (1996) characterization of bald on-record impoliteness, where no effort is made to soften the threat to the hearer's face, intensifying the negative impact.The aggressive communication style reflects the anonymity and detachment users often feel online.
K-dramas, such as "Single's Inferno," hold significant cultural importance globally.They have passionate fan bases that engage deeply with their content, including character and wardrobe analysis.The intense emotional investment in these shows can lead to strong reactions on social media.The findings suggest that moderation policies on social media should consider cultural norms when detecting impoliteness.Community guidelines must balance passionate fan expression with respect for others, helping moderators differentiate between harmful speech and culturally specific discourse patterns.Future research could explore broader fan communities and examine how impoliteness dynamics evolve as social media platforms and cultural products change.

Data 2 : @cloudqhart : minji ini definisi cewe rl yang gatel banget anjir ketara banget mau ngegoda wkwk apalagi dengan dia ngomong mau pakai piyama padahal bukan kek jir ????!
@cloudqhart: minji is the definition of a rl girl who is really eager to tease wkwk especially with her saying she wants to wear pyjamas even though it's not like wtf ????! (translate) This tweet, collected from a menfess on January 3rd, 2024, exemplifies bald on-record impoliteness.The user expresses a harsh negative opinion about the character Minji, using the terms "gatel banget" (really desperate) and "ketara banget" (really obvious) to criticize her bluntly.This direct attack on Minji's positive face-her social need to be respected-shows no attempt to soften the critique, aligning with Culpeper's (1996) concept of bald on-record impoliteness.The straightforward language, common in online fan communities, reflects how fans often use exaggerated expressions to voice strong opinions about characters or plot developments.The tweet illustrates how bald on-record impoliteness functions in media commentary, where users feel a sense of authority to critique public figures or characters without employing face-saving strategies.This behavior is typical of the aggressive online communication style, where politeness norms are frequently relaxed.
K-Dramas like "Single's Inferno" have a global cultural impact, with fan communities deeply engaged in discussions about characters and scenarios.The tweet's use of Indonesian internet slang and casual, assertive tone highlights the localized cultural context, resonating with an audience familiar with these expressions.The findings underscore the need for social media platforms to consider cultural norms in developing moderation tools, distinguishing between harmful speech and fan engagement.Future research should explore how bald on-record impoliteness varies across cultural contexts and platforms, informing more nuanced approaches to managing online communication, especially in fan-driven spaces.

Positive Impoliteness
Positive impoliteness aims to damage the target's positive face wants, which are the desire to be liked, valued, and appreciated.Positive face can be threatened when one's self-image is challenged, or when they feel their values and desires are not being respected or valued by others.(J., B. D. , & W. A. Culpeper, 2003).

Data 3 : @nievye : "Minji kelakuan lu bener2 ye meresahkan, niat gatel lu ke gwanhee jatohnya kaya murahan. DUH maaf bgt kasar tapi Minji gue jadi kasihan sama lu"
@nievye :"Minji, your behaviour is really disturbing, your intention to gwanhee is cheap.DUH sorry to be so rude but Minji I feel sorry for you."(translate) This tweet, collected from a menfess on January 3rd, 2024, exemplifies bald on-record impoliteness.The user expresses a harsh negative opinion about the character Minji, using the terms "gatel banget" (really desperate) and "ketara banget" (really obvious) to criticize her bluntly.This direct attack on Minji's positive face-her social need to be respected-shows no attempt to soften the critique, aligning with Culpeper's (1996) concept of bald on-record impoliteness.The straightforward language, common in online fan communities, reflects how fans often use exaggerated expressions to voice strong opinions about characters or plot developments.The tweet illustrates how bald on-record impoliteness functions in media commentary, where users feel a sense of authority to critique public figures or characters without employing face-saving strategies.This behavior is typical of the aggressive online communication style, where politeness norms are frequently relaxed.
K-Dramas like "Single's Inferno" have a global cultural impact, with fan communities deeply engaged in discussions about characters and scenarios.The tweet's use of Indonesian internet slang and casual, assertive tone highlights the localized cultural context, resonating with an audience familiar with these expressions.The findings underscore the need for social media platforms to consider cultural norms in developing moderation tools, distinguishing between harmful speech and fan engagement.Future research should explore how bald on-record impoliteness varies across cultural contexts and platforms, informing more nuanced approaches to managing online communication, especially in fan-driven spaces.

Data 4 : @kissurlipz : " emng bener ya tipikal cewek pikmi modelan minji tuh yang disuka kebanyakan cowok2 . Cowok redflag mksd gue ."
@kissurlipz : "it's true, the typical pick me girl like minji is favoured by most men.redflag men." (translate) This tweet, collected from a menfess posted on January 3rd, 2024, uses the term "pick me girl," a stereotype with negative connotations, suggesting behavior perceived as desperate for male approval.By labeling Minji this way, the commenter seeks to damage her positive face, placing her in a socially undesirable role.The phrase "Disuka kebanyakan cowok2.Cowok red flag" (favored by most men.Red flag men) further associates Minji with undesirable partners, implying she attracts the wrong type of attention and demeaning the male approval she receives.This tweet exemplifies positive impoliteness.The commenter undermines Minji's positive face by assigning her a derogatory stereotype.The term "pick me girl" suggests Minji's behavior is driven by a need for male approval, questioning her authenticity and social value.Additionally, linking her to "red flag men" diminishes her social standing by implying she attracts problematic men.
Theoretically, this aligns with Culpeper's (2003) concept of positive impoliteness, where the speaker challenges the target's desire to be valued and respected.The blunt language reflects the aggressive communication style often seen on social media, where anonymity encourages harsh judgments without face-to-face constraints.K-dramas like the one featuring Minji are culturally significant, with large fan communities actively discussing characters.The term "pick me girl" has become internet vernacular to criticize women perceived as seeking male validation.This tweet reflects broader cultural discourse, using Indonesian slang that resonates with the audience's shared cultural background.This example highlights the need for social media platforms to consider cultural norms in moderation policies, ensuring fan communities remain spaces for passionate but respectful engagement.Future research could explore positive impoliteness across cultural contexts and social media environments.

Negative Impoliteness
Negative Impoliteness emerged as the most frequent strategy, reflecting a direct attack on the addressee's face needs.This prevalence suggests a tendency among netizens to engage in more overtly confrontational behaviors, possibly as a mechanism for identity construction within the fan community or as a response to perceived threats to group cohesion or fan identity.Such findings align with previous studies highlighting the role of impoliteness in negotiating social boundaries online (Andersson, 2021).

Data 5 : @maaphaluuu : "alay bgt bjir ni cewe pelakor behavior juga lagi"
@maaphaluuu :"This woman is really exaggerating, she's like a whore."(translate) In this example, the account @maaphaluluu directly attacks the target's social value and status by using the term "pelakor," a colloquial insult likening the woman to a "whore."This term, embedded within the comment, constitutes a potent form of negative impoliteness, intended to ostracize and stigmatize the addressee.The comment reflects broader sociocultural tensions, where the derogatory language is used to police social norms within the K-Drama fan community.The field involves public commentary on perceived social behaviors, often fueled by the limited context provided by reality TV or similar content.The tenor indicates a power dynamic where the commenter assumes a position of moral judgment, imposing social expectations on the target.The mode of social media communication, particularly within fan communities, facilitates such negative impoliteness, amplifying its impact due to the partial anonymity and public nature of the platform.The findings from this data suggest that social media moderation should consider the specific cultural and community contexts in which such negative impoliteness occurs.Platforms could implement more nuanced moderation strategies that account for the unique dynamics of fan communities, where confrontational behavior might be more prevalent.

Data 6 : @lovesinace : "cewe pick me, gatel, sok cantik, ngira cowo cowo bakal naksir dia semua. hey girl youre not the centerrrr"
@lovesinace :"pick me girl, scratchy, pretentious, thinks men will all crush on her.hey girl youre not the centrerrr"(translate) Here, the terms "pick me," "scratchy," and "pretentious" are employed to devalue the addressee, furthering the attack on her perceived social identity.This comment exemplifies negative impoliteness through its deliberate attempt to diminish the addressee's social standing and sense of self-worth.The commenter positions themselves as an enforcer of community norms, implying that the addressee has violated unwritten rules of social conduct within the fan community.The mode of communication-social media-enables this form of negative impoliteness to thrive, as it often emboldens users to express harsher judgments with minimal repercussions.This finding points to the necessity for social media platforms to develop better tools for detecting and mitigating such attacks.Practical applications could include the design of algorithms that identify and flag language indicative of negative impoliteness, thereby helping moderators intervene more effectively.Furthermore, the analysis underscores the importance of considering the cultural significance of K-Dramas in shaping fan community interactions.As these communities often revolve around shared cultural narratives, moderation policies should be sensitive to the specific cultural references and dynamics at play.
The repeated occurrence of negative impoliteness within these data points reflects broader sociocultural phenomena where online fan communities engage in confrontational behaviors to enforce group norms or build identity.These findings highlight the need for social media platforms to balance the protection of individual users with the maintenance of community standards.For future research, it is crucial to explore the limitations of current moderation practices in dealing with culturally specific forms of impoliteness.Additionally, investigating how these dynamics evolve over time as fan communities and social media platforms change can offer valuable insights for both scholars and practitioners.

Sarcasm or Mock Impoliteness
Sarcasm or Mock Impoliteness often manifesting in veiled expressions of disdain or critique.This subtler form of impoliteness, which combines linguistic creativity with critical sentiment, might be indicative of the community's normative practices of engaging with content critically, yet in a manner that still maintains a layer of communal cohesion.(Haugh, 2012) Data 7 : @13Yggdrasil : "Di antara para peserta cewek juga, daily baju dia yg paling terbuka.

Dia tau dia tu seksi, makanya dia ngerasa mending pake baju yg kayak gitu biar mengekspos "kelebihannya" itu. Beda sama Hyeseon yg nonjolin kepintarannya dia buat ngedeketin cowok yg dia suka."
@13Yggdrasil : "Among the female participants, her daily clothes were the most revealing.She knows she's sexy, so she thinks it's better to wear clothes like that to expose her "advantages".Unlike Hyeseon, who doesn't use her cleverness to get the boys she likes."(translate) This tweet can be categorized as sarcasm or mock impoliteness.On the surface, the comment may appear to be an observation about clothing choices.However, the use of quotation marks around "advantages" and the comparison with another participant, Hyeseon, who is noted for using intelligence rather than appearance to attract men, implies a critique of the first woman's approach, suggesting that it is superficial or not respectable.The implied judgment is that leveraging physical appearance as a means of attraction is less commendable than using intellectual abilities.This covert criticism sets a standard of conduct within the fan community, subtly disparaging the woman's choice to wear revealing clothing.In terms of theoretical implications, this finding highlights how sarcasm and mock impoliteness can function as tools for reinforcing social norms within online communities.Practically, these insights could inform the development of moderation policies that are sensitive to the nuanced ways in which criticism and social policing are expressed in fan communities.By understanding the layers of meaning in such comments, moderators can better distinguish between harmless banter and harmful critiques.
Data 8 : @sicaaa : "Aku kalo jdi minji malu sih liat ini, soalnya jual murah terus ,menye menye, kalo aku jd dia sumpah ga bakal aku liat dia disini wkwkw" @sicaaa : "If I were Minji, I'd be embarrassed to see this, because it's selling cheaply, menye menye, if I were him, I swear I wouldn't see her here, wkwkw" (translate) In this tweet, the commenter's use of "If I were Minji" sets up a hypothetical scenario that implicitly criticizes Minji's actions.This strategy, where the speaker distances themselves from the criticism by framing it as a personal reflection, exemplifies mock impoliteness.The phrase "selling cheaply" metaphorically suggests that Minji's behavior is demeaning or undignified, implying a loss of respect or integrity.Additionally, the term "menye menye" (an Indonesian slang term implying overly sentimental or dramatic behavior) criticizes her actions as excessive and performative.The laughter expression "wkwkw" further adds a layer of mockery, indicating that the commenter may not be entirely serious, which is characteristic of sarcasm or mock impoliteness.The sociocultural context of K-Drama fandom, where participants' behavior is often scrutinized and critiqued, provides a fertile ground for such expressions.These comments reflect the dynamics of fan communities where members use humor and sarcasm to navigate and enforce community norms subtly.Understanding these dynamics is crucial for designing moderation policies that are both effective and culturally sensitive, ensuring that platforms can maintain a balance between allowing creative expression and preventing harmful interactions.
The prevalence of sarcasm and mock impoliteness in these interactions suggests that such strategies are central to the way fan communities negotiate social boundaries and enforce norms.The findings indicate a need for moderation tools that can detect and interpret these subtler forms of impoliteness, helping to foster a more constructive dialogue within online communities.For future research, it would be valuable to explore the effectiveness of these moderation strategies and to investigate how different cultural contexts influence the expression and reception of sarcasm and mock impoliteness in online spaces.

Discussion
This discussion provides a comprehensive interpretation of the findings from the analysis of incivility strategies used by netizens in response to the variety show "Single Inferno 3".It integrates the research findings into existing scholarly frameworks, reveals new insights, and explores the theoretical and practical implications of the findings.The analysis shows that sarcasm emerged as the most prevalent incivility strategy, accounting for 45.45% of all observed instances.This finding suggests that sarcasm is a dominant form of expression among netizens when responding to content related to the show "Single Inferno 3".In addition to sarcasm, this study identified other strategies, such as positive impoliteness (e.g., mocking politeness) and negative impoliteness (e.g., criticism), which are used less frequently but still play an essential role in the discourse.These results show that netizens use sarcasm not only for humor but also as a tool for engagement and social commentary.The frequent use of sarcasm highlights the importance of understanding how humor and criticism are intertwined in online interactions.This aligns with research showing that sarcasm can express dissatisfaction or challenge social norms (e.g., Bousfield (2008); J. Culpeper, 2011)).
The findings of this study contribute to a broader understanding of incivility strategies in digital communication.The predominance of sarcasm in netizen responses can be integrated into Culpeper's (2011) incivility framework, which categorizes various strategies to convey disrespect or challenge social norms.This framework helps explain why sarcasm is so prevalent in this context -it allows netizens to convey criticism in a socially acceptable way that might otherwise be considered too direct or aggressive.Moreover, this study extends existing research on incivility by highlighting its specific manifestations within fan communities.Previous research has mainly focused on political discourse or academic environments, while this study provides insights into how incivility operates in the context of online entertainment fandoms.This contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how incivility functions in different social contexts.A critical contribution of this research is to identify new patterns of using incivility strategies within fan communities.This study found that netizens use sarcasm and feigned politeness to express dissent and create a sense of camaraderie among fans who share the same opinions.These findings suggest that incivility within fan communities can serve as a form of group identity and solidarity.
In addition, this study reveals that netizens use incivility strategically to navigate social hierarchies within the fan community.Using sarcasm or criticism, they assert their opinions and challenge dominant views or behaviors in the group.This aspect of incivility reflects a more profound negotiation of social roles and power dynamics in online interactions.The study's findings have significant implications for impoliteness theories.By demonstrating the central role of sarcasm in online fan interactions, the research supports and extends Culpeper's (2011) framework, suggesting that impoliteness strategies are not only about direct disrespect but also about negotiating social relationships and identities.The study also contributes to understanding impoliteness in digital communication, highlighting how online contexts can shape and modify traditional theories of politeness and impoliteness.
The findings provide valuable insights for those managing online communities or engaging in digital communication.Understanding the prevalence and function of impoliteness strategies such as sarcasm can help community managers and content creators navigate and respond to online interactions more effectively.Recognizing the role of impoliteness in building group identity can also inform strategies for fostering positive online environments while acknowledging the diverse ways in which individuals express themselves.In conclusion, this research sheds light on the complex dynamics of impoliteness in digital interactions.It contributes to a deeper understanding of how netizens use various strategies to communicate and engage with content.This discussion underscores the significance of studying impoliteness in modern online communication by situating these findings within existing theoretical frameworks and exploring their broader implications.

Conclusion
As a result, the use of language that is more vulgar, racist, profane, or hateful in anonymous comments compared to non-anonymous comments.The effects of anonymity on communication behaviors can vary based on the degree and type of anonymity, the communication's audience, and the online community's culture.Meanwhile, anonymity can lead to a more open expression of opinions.The analysis of social media commentary on the reality TV show "Single's Inferno" reveals that sarcasm or mock politeness is the most common impoliteness strategy, used in about 45.45% of the interactions.This approach suggests that viewers prefer to critique the show's participants in a way that combines humor with criticism, allowing them to convey their disapproval while maintaining a sense of community.Positive impoliteness follows, with direct criticisms that affect the desire to be liked, indicating a community unafraid to express disapproval.Negative impoliteness and bald on-record strategies are less common, showing outright confrontations are less favored.Within the context of Halliday and Hasan's theory, this reflects the field of reality TV's fan community, the tenor of social media as a space of judgment, and the mode of written communication that encourages and amplifies such impoliteness strategies.The data underscores the intricacy of online discourse, where anonymity and public visibility shape social interactions and identity construction within digital fan communities.